Author: Yura Yokoyama

Edited by: Marissa Heuser, Leah Cohen, and Joseph Geidel

Indigenous people`s environmental protests are going on and being ignited all over the world in this capitalistic era. Bolivia, which is one of the poorest and naturally richest countries in Latin America, is also confronting the contradiction between protecting indigenous environmental rights and prioritizing its rapid economic progress. It seems that this contradiction pervades many aspects of the environment such as concessions of water, mining, and forest protection. In order to explicitly capture the big picture of environmental affairs happening in Bolivia, three cased were selected as follows; Cochabamba water war, Conamaq Indigenous movement, the TIPNIS protest.

Cochabamba Water War

Cochabamba Water War Protests. (Hasfura, 2016)

The Cochabamba water war will probably be one of the famous protests by the local people. It happened in 1999 in Bolivia. The catalyst that fueled the local`s protest was Law 2029. Enacted by the government under president Banzer in 1999, this law was established to privatize water concessions in Bolivia. Various citizens, ranging from lower class to upper class, in Cochabamba joined the demonstration against the law because all of a sudden, they lost the right to manage their water. Water, that used to be public. Communities in Cochabamba had their own way of water management and distribution, so this law meant that the government disregarded their view of water as public good and indispensable communal property for their lives. Therefore, this incident is one of the most internationally well-known political events related to the exploitation of basic human rights conducted by government. The discussion about this protest is whether government can privatize publicly shared property such as water without considering the locals` needs and conventions. However, in 2009, Evo Morales banned the privatization of water on the ground that human rights include access to water. Therefore, due to his administration their situation was improved.

Conamaq Indigenous Movement

Conamaq Protestor. (Peralta, 2014)

Responding the unequal exploitation, Conamaq Indigenous movement, which has actually been active since 1997, represents the negative side of the government under Evo Morales Nilda Rojas, who is the current Conamaq leader opposed the Mining Law. She strongly claimed, “The government has created a parallel organization because we don’t support their laws which are against Mother Earth and the Constitution”(Peralta, 2014). What she meant by a parallel organization is that the government kicked the Conamaq out of its office in La Paz in order that it could establish the new organization supporting the government called pro-MAS Conamaq that supported the government`s decision and adheres to the government. This unequal political incident shows the down side of the government. When it comes to the exploitative principle of the Mining Law, being supported by MAS (Movement Toward Socialism party) this law, in fact, is the cause of this indigenous environmental movement in Conamaq. Not only does this law grant the concession of the use of public water to members of the mining industry who are conducting water-intensive and toxic operation, for immoral reason it also deprives the rural communities in Conamaq of the access to the public water on the purpose of farming (Peralta 2014). Moreover, unequally, this law has the biding power to criminalize protest against this mining operation. Recently, in 2016, Evo Morales have proclaimed the increase of the government` control over the mining sector by changing the mining law. Bolivian government has already have 39% of all mining operations. continuing low oil prices and the increasing public works investments of the Morales government may alter the government’s approach to private and foreign investment, especially in the mining sector.(Hasfura 2016).

TIPNIS

TIPNIS Protest. (Achtenburg, 2011)

Isiboro Sécure National Park and Indigenous Territory (TIPNIS) is home to more than 12,000 indigenous people; the Yuracaré people, the Trinitario-Mojeño people, and the Chimane people.  The TIPNIS conflict has marked a historic victory of those lowland indigenous groups that marched against the construction of controversial highway that would gone across indigenous territory and national park, which is one of the most ecologically diverse areas in Bolivia. The road was supposed to be made on the purpose of improving transportation and distribution in order to proper economy. However, due to the sever protest, in 2011, Morales had no choice but to assign an agreement regarding the abolishment of the construction of the highway in order that he would not lose his credibility by indigenous people. Below is a short video clip of the TIPNIS marchers:

Summary Factoid Questions:

Q: What is the name of law which prospered the privatization of the public water in Cochabamba?

A: Law 2029

Q: What is a name of law that suffers people in Conamaq from the mining sector?

A: the mining law

Q: Why did the TIPNIS protest happen?

A: It is because the government tried to construct the highway running across ecological indigenous land.

Works Cited

Achtenberg, Emily. “Road Rage and Resistance: Bolivia’s TIPNIS Conflict”(2011), nacla. Web.22,2017.

Coleman, Thomas. “Who Owns the Water? An Analysis of Water Conflicts in Latin American and Modern Water Law,” intersections 12, no. 2 (2012): 1-19. Web 22 Feb, 2017.

COHA, “On Water Scarcity and the Right to Life: Bolivia”(2013), Council on Hemispheric Affairs. Web 22 Feb, 2017.

Hasfura, Astrid, “Bolivia’s new mining laws and the future of private investment” (2016), Global Risk Insights. Web 22 Feb, 2017.

Peralta M, Pablo. “Bolivia’s Conamaq Indigenous Movement: “We will not sell ourselves to any government or political party” (2014), UPSIDE DOWN WORLD. Web. 22 Feb, 2017.

 

Author: Leah Cohen

Edited by: Marissa Heuser, Yura Yokoyama, and Joseph Geidel

A Brief History

The coca leaf is considered sacred by many indigenous peoples, such as the Aymara. (Delgado, 2017)

The coca leaf is a staple in Bolivian culture. For many Indigenous Andeans such as the Aymara, the plant is considered sacred (Deutsche Welle, 2017). The coca leaf can be used as an appetite suppressant, energy booster, and helps with altitude sickness. It can be chewed, used for teas, and even toothpaste among other things; but what makes the plant so controversial is that it is the key ingredient in the production of cocaine (Grinaffi, 2016). The increase of cocaine consumption in the United States during the 1980s, caused the illegal production of coca to take off in the Chapare region of the Cochabamba district (Garcia, 1998). According to a BBC article from 2001 entitled “Coca Quandary for Hard Up Bolivia” a Bolivian law instituted in 1988 granted the Yungas region, located north of La Paz “12,000 hectares (30,000 acres) of coca to be cultivated for legitimate uses.” This means that other regions such as the Chapare that cultivated coca leaves for centuries and made their living doing so no longer could. In 2004, a decree granted Chapare 3,000 hectares for coca production, but it is estimated that the actual number of hectares in the region used for coca production was nearly double this figure, it just wasn’t traveling through legal channels (Deutsche Welle, 2017).

Map highlighting the Yungas and Chapare regions of Bolivia. (The Economist, 2001)

Before becoming president in 2006 Morales grew coca in the south-eastern province of Chapare (Barbier, 2015). It could be because of this and his aymara background that Morales took a different approach to the cocaine problem. Morales defiantly abandoned the coca eradication attempts and the crop substitution plans by the US in favor of his “coca yes, cocaine no” policy, that called for the legalization of small amounts of coca leaf cultivation in designated zones and a self policing strategy to ensure growers do not exceed their limit (Grinaff, 2016).

The New Coca Leaf Bill

This past week the Bolivian government approved a bill to increase the legal limitation on coca leaf production from 12,000 hectares to 22,000 hectares (Stauffer, 2017). While this may seem like a good thing for coca growers, the mere proposal of it has created unrest among the Yungas coca farmers. In the days leading up to the new bill’s approval Yungas coca growers protested in the National Assembly (Delgado, 2017). For the Yungas coca growers the issue with the bill is not the increase in the hectares available, but the disproportionate distribution of hectares. Under the new bill the 20,000 hectares will be divided up between La Paz and Cochabamba with 13,000 going to La Paz and 7,000 to Cochabamba, creating unfair advantages for some regions such as the Yunga region (Panam Post, 2017).

The protests started out peacefully, but soon turned violent as protestors began throwing rocks forcing police to intervene with tear gas (Stauffer, 2017). Below is a short video clip of the violent and chaotic scene:

Attempts by the police to subdue the protests have been unsuccessful, the Yungas protestors have begun blocking off streets, keeping pedestrians and vehicles from passing through the Plaza Murillo, located in La Paz (Delgado, 2017). The bill was originally intended to increase the limit to 20,000 hectares, but in an attempt to appease the protestors the government revised the proposal to 22,000 hectares (Deutsche Welle, 2017).

Summary Factoids Questions:

Q: Name some of the ways indigenous populations utilized the coca leaf?

A: Appetite suppressant, energy boost, and also helps with altitude sickness

Q: What was the name of Morales policy regarding coca growth and what did this policy entail? 

A: Coca yes, Cocaine no, this movement called for the legalization of small amounts of coca leaf cultivation in designated zones and a self policing strategy to ensure growers do not exceed their limit.

Q: Why were the Yungas coca farmers protesting the new coca leaf bill?

A: The new coca leaf bill would increase the limit on hectares that can be used or coca production but the increase does not include all regions that want to produce coca. The new law would grant 13,000 hectares to La Paz and 7,000 to Cochabamba but this distribution would leave the Yungas region still under restriction.

References:

Barbier, C. (2015, April 24). Bolivia resists global pressure to do away with coca crop [Electronic version]. the guardian.

Bolivia coca cultivation to grow if Morales signs law. (2017, February 25). Deutsche Welle. Retrieved February 25, 2017, from http://www.dw.com/en/bolivia-coca-cultivation-to-grow-if-morales-signs-law/a-37713073

Coca’s second front. (2001, January 04). The Economist. Retrieved February 25, 2017, from http://www.economist.com/node/466464

Coca quandary for hard-up Bolivia. (2006, April 14). BBC News. Retrieved February 25, 2017, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/4902192.stm

Delgado, Y. (2017, January 12). Bolivia’s Plan to Expand Legal Coca Plantations Stirs Controversy among Growers. Panam Post. Retrieved February 23, 2017, from https://panampost.com/ysol-delgado/2017/01/12/bolivias-plan-to-expand-legal-coca-plantations-stirs-controversy-among-growers/

Delgado, Y. (2017, February 20). Bolivian Coca Growers Erupt in Protest against New Plantation Law. Panam Post. Retrieved February 23, 2017, from https://panampost.com/ysol-delgado/2017/02/20/bolivian-coca-growers-erupt-in-protest-against-new-plantation-law/

Garcia, J. Z. (1998). Chapter 24: Bolivia. In Latin America: Its Problems and Its Promise (5th ed., pp. 443-454). Westview Press.

Grinaffi, Thomas. 2016. “After the Referendum: Evo Morales and the Movement Toward Socialism.” FocaalBlog, 18 April. www.focaalblog.com/2016/04/18/thomas-grinaffi-after-the-referendum-evo-morales-and-the-movement-towards-socialism.

Stauffer, C. (2017, February 24). Bolivian lawmakers pass bill to nearly double legal coca area. Reuters. Retrieved February 24, 2017, from http://www.reuters.com/article/us-bolivia-coca-idUSKBN16328R