Author: Yura Yokoyama

Edited by: Marissa Heuser, Leah Cohen, and Joseph Geidel

Indigenous people`s environmental protests are going on and being ignited all over the world in this capitalistic era. Bolivia, which is one of the poorest and naturally richest countries in Latin America, is also confronting the contradiction between protecting indigenous environmental rights and prioritizing its rapid economic progress. It seems that this contradiction pervades many aspects of the environment such as concessions of water, mining, and forest protection. In order to explicitly capture the big picture of environmental affairs happening in Bolivia, three cased were selected as follows; Cochabamba water war, Conamaq Indigenous movement, the TIPNIS protest.

Cochabamba Water War

Cochabamba Water War Protests. (Hasfura, 2016)

The Cochabamba water war will probably be one of the famous protests by the local people. It happened in 1999 in Bolivia. The catalyst that fueled the local`s protest was Law 2029. Enacted by the government under president Banzer in 1999, this law was established to privatize water concessions in Bolivia. Various citizens, ranging from lower class to upper class, in Cochabamba joined the demonstration against the law because all of a sudden, they lost the right to manage their water. Water, that used to be public. Communities in Cochabamba had their own way of water management and distribution, so this law meant that the government disregarded their view of water as public good and indispensable communal property for their lives. Therefore, this incident is one of the most internationally well-known political events related to the exploitation of basic human rights conducted by government. The discussion about this protest is whether government can privatize publicly shared property such as water without considering the locals` needs and conventions. However, in 2009, Evo Morales banned the privatization of water on the ground that human rights include access to water. Therefore, due to his administration their situation was improved.

Conamaq Indigenous Movement

Conamaq Protestor. (Peralta, 2014)

Responding the unequal exploitation, Conamaq Indigenous movement, which has actually been active since 1997, represents the negative side of the government under Evo Morales Nilda Rojas, who is the current Conamaq leader opposed the Mining Law. She strongly claimed, “The government has created a parallel organization because we don’t support their laws which are against Mother Earth and the Constitution”(Peralta, 2014). What she meant by a parallel organization is that the government kicked the Conamaq out of its office in La Paz in order that it could establish the new organization supporting the government called pro-MAS Conamaq that supported the government`s decision and adheres to the government. This unequal political incident shows the down side of the government. When it comes to the exploitative principle of the Mining Law, being supported by MAS (Movement Toward Socialism party) this law, in fact, is the cause of this indigenous environmental movement in Conamaq. Not only does this law grant the concession of the use of public water to members of the mining industry who are conducting water-intensive and toxic operation, for immoral reason it also deprives the rural communities in Conamaq of the access to the public water on the purpose of farming (Peralta 2014). Moreover, unequally, this law has the biding power to criminalize protest against this mining operation. Recently, in 2016, Evo Morales have proclaimed the increase of the government` control over the mining sector by changing the mining law. Bolivian government has already have 39% of all mining operations. continuing low oil prices and the increasing public works investments of the Morales government may alter the government’s approach to private and foreign investment, especially in the mining sector.(Hasfura 2016).

TIPNIS

TIPNIS Protest. (Achtenburg, 2011)

Isiboro Sécure National Park and Indigenous Territory (TIPNIS) is home to more than 12,000 indigenous people; the Yuracaré people, the Trinitario-Mojeño people, and the Chimane people.  The TIPNIS conflict has marked a historic victory of those lowland indigenous groups that marched against the construction of controversial highway that would gone across indigenous territory and national park, which is one of the most ecologically diverse areas in Bolivia. The road was supposed to be made on the purpose of improving transportation and distribution in order to proper economy. However, due to the sever protest, in 2011, Morales had no choice but to assign an agreement regarding the abolishment of the construction of the highway in order that he would not lose his credibility by indigenous people. Below is a short video clip of the TIPNIS marchers:

Summary Factoid Questions:

Q: What is the name of law which prospered the privatization of the public water in Cochabamba?

A: Law 2029

Q: What is a name of law that suffers people in Conamaq from the mining sector?

A: the mining law

Q: Why did the TIPNIS protest happen?

A: It is because the government tried to construct the highway running across ecological indigenous land.

Works Cited

Achtenberg, Emily. “Road Rage and Resistance: Bolivia’s TIPNIS Conflict”(2011), nacla. Web.22,2017.

Coleman, Thomas. “Who Owns the Water? An Analysis of Water Conflicts in Latin American and Modern Water Law,” intersections 12, no. 2 (2012): 1-19. Web 22 Feb, 2017.

COHA, “On Water Scarcity and the Right to Life: Bolivia”(2013), Council on Hemispheric Affairs. Web 22 Feb, 2017.

Hasfura, Astrid, “Bolivia’s new mining laws and the future of private investment” (2016), Global Risk Insights. Web 22 Feb, 2017.

Peralta M, Pablo. “Bolivia’s Conamaq Indigenous Movement: “We will not sell ourselves to any government or political party” (2014), UPSIDE DOWN WORLD. Web. 22 Feb, 2017.

 

Author: Joseph Geidel

Editors: Leah Cohen, Marissa Heuser, Yura Yokoyama

[Photo Credit: urosr, Shutterstock]

For nearly 12,000 years, the region of South America now known as Bolivia has been continuously occupied by indigenous peoples. The very history of Bolivia is one of native ancestry. Since their arrival, native Bolivians have gone through many great cultural, political, sociological, and environmental changes. They have been kings and servants, oppressed and liberated. The story of the indigenous peoples who occupy Bolivia is extremely unique when compared to the rest of the Americas. Those who claim some Amerindian ancestry comprise 88 percent of the population [CIA], making Bolivia arguably the only indigenous American nation to ever exist in our time.

To further understand what makes native Bolivians who they are, one must step back and analyze where they come from…

Pre-Columbian Period

[Photo Credit: Paulo Afonso]

Around the year 10,000 BCE, the first peoples, who became the indigenous Bolivians, arrived in the region surrounding the great lake, Titicaca. Among the first great changes endured by the natives was the biological adaptation to high altitude, as lake Titicaca rests as high as 12,500 feet above sea level [World Atlas]! As time progressed, the natives learned to domesticate crops, such as the potato, between the years 8,000 and 5,000 BCE.

By 1 CE, the distinct native Bolivian people groups which still persist to this day were thriving. These peoples are the Aymara, Quechua, and Uru [World Atlas].

Around the year 300 CE, native Bolivians, as well as those who inhabited what is now Peru and Chile, confederated into the Tiwanaku Empire [Kästle]. The Tiwanaku Empire made great discoveries and advancements, particularly in architecture. However, like all great empires, the Tiwanaku Empire fell around 1150. The absence of a unifying empire would not last long as the Inca Empire came to be around 1438. According to Darrell E. La Lone of Harvard University, Incan society was feudal and socialist. The Inca Empire flourished until 1524, when the outsiders arrived [La Lone].

Contact & Independence

[Photo Credit: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Creación_de_Bolivia_Sucre1825.jpg]

The Conquistadors of the Spanish Empire arrived in the Inca Empire in 1524. Among the Spaniards was Francisco Pizarro, a man tasked to discover the legendary land of gold. During his expedition, Pizarro came to learn about how the Inca Empire operated. When Pizarro finally made contact with Incan Emperor Atahualpa, he observed that he was weak and inexperienced [Kästle]. This can be attributed to the unexpected death of his father, thrusting him into a role he was largely unprepared for. Pizarro saw Atahualpa as an opportunity to gain control, and proceed to utilize him as an imprisoned puppet, until ultimately having no further use for him leading to his execution by strangulation on July 26th, 1533.

What then ensued was complete Spanish domination in Bolivia for nearly 300 years [Kästle].

During this occupation, native Bolivians were treated as indentured servants for the Spanish Empire and were forced to cultivate crops and labor in harsh conditions.

Finally, in 1825, the Bolivian people declared independence from Spanish oppression [Catholic].

Liberation & Morales

[Photo Credit: Dario Kenner]

Since independence, the indigenous peoples of Bolivia have largely existed in a state of poverty, inflicted upon them by the Spanish. Although the Spanish were now technically gone, those who were directly descended from the Spanish, European-Bolivians, were now in charge. These leaders continued to completely neglect the struggles of the native Bolivians, until it became politically dangerous to do.

In 1993, Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada, a European-Bolivian, was democratically elected President of Bolivia, establishing a neo-liberal regime which sought to transform Bolivia into a capitalist manufacturing power [Kästle]. His public policies met strong disapproval from the native peoples. Amongst these policies was the privatization of the country’s natural resources, mainly water and gas. The latter, enraged the native peoples so much so that in 2003, President Sánchez de Lozada was forced to go into hiding in the United States.

A key figure who mobilized opposition was a Aymara native, Evo Morales. Morales became the most influential standard bearer for the rights of the indigenous people. In 2005, though the support of the indigenous community, Morales sought the Presidency of Bolivia and won [The Guardian].

President Evo Morales & The 2016 Referendum

[Photo Credit: Martin Alipaz]

Morales has since gone on to serve as the President of Bolivia for over ten years. During his time in office he has successfully fostered a growing economy which has largely benefited the native population. However, as time has progressed, President Morales has received backlash for stifling dissent and perceived corruption. Although he won reelection in 2014 with 61 precent of the vote, his popularity has taken a turn for the worse in recent years [The Guardian]. While support for Morales remains high amongst the native population for now, European-Bolivians do not view him as favorable. With this slow shift in public opinion, many groups are beginning to question their support of Morales, compelling the ‘Movement for Socialism’ to fight for their President [TeleSUR].

Their first challenge was to extend Morales’ power by eliminating Presidential term limits. In order to accomplish this task, a referendum was held to amend the constitution. While the results were expected to be close, nobody believed that Morales would lose. However, the unthinkable happened. Morales lost, with 51 percent of the vote rejecting the elimination of Presidential term limits [The Guardian].

With this blow, Morales is set to leave the Presidency of Bolivia in 2019, even though the ‘Movement for Socialism’ has stated that they will find a way to run their candidate again.

2019 will be a major year in Bolivian history. Will the continued mistrust of the Morales government lead to the election of a President of an oppositional political party? Will the next President be of native origin? These are extremely important questions.

The future of the indigenous population of Bolivia is uncertain. How will the next decade play out? Will prosperity continue or decline? We cannot know for sure. However, one thing is apparent. The native Bolivian people have inherited one of the most beautiful and peculiar countries on the face of this Earth.

 

Questions:

Who are the three main native groups which inhabit Bolivia?

Answer: Aymara, Quechua, and Uru

Who had Inca Emperor Atahualpa executed?

Answer: Francisco Pizarro

What year did Bolivia become independent from the Spanish Empire?

Answer: 1825

What year is President Evo Morales set to leave office?

Answer: 2019

References:

“The World Factbook: BOLIVIA.” Central Intelligence Agency. Central Intelligence Agency,

12 Jan. 2017. Web. 26 Feb. 2017.

“South America/.” World Atlas – Maps, Geography, Travel. N.p., 12 July 2016. Web. 26 Feb. 2017.

Tilley, Dan. “Climate Change.” The Bolivia Information Forum. N.p., n.d. Web. 26 Feb. 2017.

“Evo Morales | World News.” The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, n.d. Web. 26 Feb. 2017.

La Lone, Darrell E. “The Inca as a Nonmarket Economy: Supply on Command versus Supply and Demand,” p. 292.

Md-AE-mk, TeleSUR /., Kelly Lytle Hernandez, Arshad M. Khan, Rick Sterling, Belén Fernández, and Arnold August. “Bolivia Sets Date For Referendum On Evo Morales Re-election.” News | TeleSUR English. N.p., n.d. Web. 28 Feb. 2017.

“Bolivia.” CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA: Bolivia. N.p., n.d. Web. 28 Feb. 2017.

Kästle, Klaus. “History of Bolivia.” History of Bolivia – Key Figures in Bolivia’s History. N.p., n.d. Web. 28 Feb. 2017.

Author: Leah Cohen

Edited by: Marissa Heuser, Yura Yokoyama, and Joseph Geidel

A Brief History

The coca leaf is considered sacred by many indigenous peoples, such as the Aymara. (Delgado, 2017)

The coca leaf is a staple in Bolivian culture. For many Indigenous Andeans such as the Aymara, the plant is considered sacred (Deutsche Welle, 2017). The coca leaf can be used as an appetite suppressant, energy booster, and helps with altitude sickness. It can be chewed, used for teas, and even toothpaste among other things; but what makes the plant so controversial is that it is the key ingredient in the production of cocaine (Grinaffi, 2016). The increase of cocaine consumption in the United States during the 1980s, caused the illegal production of coca to take off in the Chapare region of the Cochabamba district (Garcia, 1998). According to a BBC article from 2001 entitled “Coca Quandary for Hard Up Bolivia” a Bolivian law instituted in 1988 granted the Yungas region, located north of La Paz “12,000 hectares (30,000 acres) of coca to be cultivated for legitimate uses.” This means that other regions such as the Chapare that cultivated coca leaves for centuries and made their living doing so no longer could. In 2004, a decree granted Chapare 3,000 hectares for coca production, but it is estimated that the actual number of hectares in the region used for coca production was nearly double this figure, it just wasn’t traveling through legal channels (Deutsche Welle, 2017).

Map highlighting the Yungas and Chapare regions of Bolivia. (The Economist, 2001)

Before becoming president in 2006 Morales grew coca in the south-eastern province of Chapare (Barbier, 2015). It could be because of this and his aymara background that Morales took a different approach to the cocaine problem. Morales defiantly abandoned the coca eradication attempts and the crop substitution plans by the US in favor of his “coca yes, cocaine no” policy, that called for the legalization of small amounts of coca leaf cultivation in designated zones and a self policing strategy to ensure growers do not exceed their limit (Grinaff, 2016).

The New Coca Leaf Bill

This past week the Bolivian government approved a bill to increase the legal limitation on coca leaf production from 12,000 hectares to 22,000 hectares (Stauffer, 2017). While this may seem like a good thing for coca growers, the mere proposal of it has created unrest among the Yungas coca farmers. In the days leading up to the new bill’s approval Yungas coca growers protested in the National Assembly (Delgado, 2017). For the Yungas coca growers the issue with the bill is not the increase in the hectares available, but the disproportionate distribution of hectares. Under the new bill the 20,000 hectares will be divided up between La Paz and Cochabamba with 13,000 going to La Paz and 7,000 to Cochabamba, creating unfair advantages for some regions such as the Yunga region (Panam Post, 2017).

The protests started out peacefully, but soon turned violent as protestors began throwing rocks forcing police to intervene with tear gas (Stauffer, 2017). Below is a short video clip of the violent and chaotic scene:

Attempts by the police to subdue the protests have been unsuccessful, the Yungas protestors have begun blocking off streets, keeping pedestrians and vehicles from passing through the Plaza Murillo, located in La Paz (Delgado, 2017). The bill was originally intended to increase the limit to 20,000 hectares, but in an attempt to appease the protestors the government revised the proposal to 22,000 hectares (Deutsche Welle, 2017).

Summary Factoids Questions:

Q: Name some of the ways indigenous populations utilized the coca leaf?

A: Appetite suppressant, energy boost, and also helps with altitude sickness

Q: What was the name of Morales policy regarding coca growth and what did this policy entail? 

A: Coca yes, Cocaine no, this movement called for the legalization of small amounts of coca leaf cultivation in designated zones and a self policing strategy to ensure growers do not exceed their limit.

Q: Why were the Yungas coca farmers protesting the new coca leaf bill?

A: The new coca leaf bill would increase the limit on hectares that can be used or coca production but the increase does not include all regions that want to produce coca. The new law would grant 13,000 hectares to La Paz and 7,000 to Cochabamba but this distribution would leave the Yungas region still under restriction.

References:

Barbier, C. (2015, April 24). Bolivia resists global pressure to do away with coca crop [Electronic version]. the guardian.

Bolivia coca cultivation to grow if Morales signs law. (2017, February 25). Deutsche Welle. Retrieved February 25, 2017, from http://www.dw.com/en/bolivia-coca-cultivation-to-grow-if-morales-signs-law/a-37713073

Coca’s second front. (2001, January 04). The Economist. Retrieved February 25, 2017, from http://www.economist.com/node/466464

Coca quandary for hard-up Bolivia. (2006, April 14). BBC News. Retrieved February 25, 2017, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/4902192.stm

Delgado, Y. (2017, January 12). Bolivia’s Plan to Expand Legal Coca Plantations Stirs Controversy among Growers. Panam Post. Retrieved February 23, 2017, from https://panampost.com/ysol-delgado/2017/01/12/bolivias-plan-to-expand-legal-coca-plantations-stirs-controversy-among-growers/

Delgado, Y. (2017, February 20). Bolivian Coca Growers Erupt in Protest against New Plantation Law. Panam Post. Retrieved February 23, 2017, from https://panampost.com/ysol-delgado/2017/02/20/bolivian-coca-growers-erupt-in-protest-against-new-plantation-law/

Garcia, J. Z. (1998). Chapter 24: Bolivia. In Latin America: Its Problems and Its Promise (5th ed., pp. 443-454). Westview Press.

Grinaffi, Thomas. 2016. “After the Referendum: Evo Morales and the Movement Toward Socialism.” FocaalBlog, 18 April. www.focaalblog.com/2016/04/18/thomas-grinaffi-after-the-referendum-evo-morales-and-the-movement-towards-socialism.

Stauffer, C. (2017, February 24). Bolivian lawmakers pass bill to nearly double legal coca area. Reuters. Retrieved February 24, 2017, from http://www.reuters.com/article/us-bolivia-coca-idUSKBN16328R

 

Author:  Marissa Heuser

Co-Authors: Leah Cohen, Yura Yokoyama, and Joseph Geidel

Background information:

The rates of violence towards women in Bolivia is truly frightening. In 2012, the Pan American Health Organization published a report entitled “Violence Against Women in Latin America and the Caribbean: A comparative analysis of population-based data from 12 countries” (Bott 2012). The results found that, among the surveyed countries, Bolivia had the highest rate of intimate-partner violence against women. A staggering 53.3% of women in Bolivia, that were ever married or in a union, reported “any physical or sexual partner violence ever” (Bott 2012). On average intimate partner violence affects “30% of women worldwide” (WHO 2013). Bolivia is shockingly higher than the worldwide average.

 

MDG : Gender violence in Bolivia : rally against abuse and domestic violence in La Paz

A sign from a protest rally against domestic violence and assault. Reading: No Mas (No more) (Shahriari 2015)

It was reported by Bolivia’s Vice-Ministry of Equal Opportunities that, “nine out of 10 women in Bolivia fall victim of some kind of violence, and 87% of them suffer that violence in the family” (Justiniano 2015). Bolivia also has an appallingly high femicide rates. Femicide is the killing of a woman or girl on account of her gender. From January-October of 2014 there were a reported 103 femicides. That means that about every 3 days, a woman is murdered in Bolivia (Justiniano 2015).

In February of 2013, Hanali Huaycho, a national television journalist was murdered by her husband who was a police officer. It was discovered that Hanali had made 14 different complaints to the police about her husband abusing her. However not a single one of her complaints was ever investigated. Her tragic and preventable death invoked outrage across the county. Protest marches were organized demanding better rights for women and for something to be done about the rampant domestic violence in Bolivia. (Freitag 2013)

Related image

Women in Bolivia march in protest of Hanali Huaycho’s death. Holding signs that read Yo Soy Hanali or I am Hanali (Rivas 2014)

Public outrage and demonstrations were successful in capturing the government’s attention. On March 8th 2013 President Morales passed the “Comprehensive Law to Guarantee Women a Life Free of Violence“. Here is a brief summary of the law:

“The law is extremely ambitious and comprehensive, with provisions for educational and awareness programs, practical measures to prevent reoccurring violence, plans to rehabilitate offenders, detailed descriptions of 15 different types of violence against women, and strict sanctions against offenders” (Andean Information Network 2013)

Anyone wishing to learn more about the law, can watch this short video for a comprehensive overview:

The Gender Movement Today

It has been nearly 3 years since Morales signed the law designed to protect women. One would hope that violence rates would have decreased and women in Bolivia would be safer than they were. However that is not the case…..

This is a quick video about the current state of violence against women in Bolivia. It features an interview with an abuse victim who is living in a women’s shelter. Another important part of this video is when the lawyer was interviewed. She said that only about 10% of laws are actually enforced. The abusers have little to fear and the victims have everything to lose. (The video itself states some statistics that are different than what my research showed. I was unable to locate their sources so I am not sure about the validity of their information.)

Even after the “Comprehensive Law to Guarantee Women a Life Free of Violence” was passed in 2013, violence continues to plague the lives of Bolivian women. Some people blame the police for not enforcing the law and turning a blind-eye to abuse suffered by women.

But the situation isn’t hopeless! The Colectivo Rebeldía, Oxfam Bolivia and the Women’s Coordinator came together in February of 2017 to create a campaign aimed at young people in Bolivia. The campaign, titled, ACTÚA, detén la violencia (ACT, stop the violence) focuses on violence that is often found in young people’s relationships.

The campaign was officially launched on February 14, or Valentine’s Day, with messages of what love should be.

Image may contain: text

Si te amenaza o manipula, no te ama. ¡El amor libera no atrapa! #ActúaDetenLaViolencia which translates to: If he threatens or manipulates you, he does not love you. Love free does not catch! # ActtoStopViolence   (ACTÚA, detén la violencia 2017)

The campaign,”aims to tackle the indifference of the friend of someone in a violent relationship or perpetrating violence in a relationship…Using public and peer pressure, the campaign hopes to decrease violence in young relationships” (MENAFN 2017)

Image may contain: text

We Are Going To Break Chains (ACTÚA, detén la violencia 2017)

ACTÚA, detén la violencia

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

It has a great Facebook page full of empowering messages like the one above.

This campaign represents a new hope for women in Bolivia. By educating youth about the realities of domesticate abuse, ACTÚA, detén la violencia, could influence the future. Research showed that “nearly half of urban youth (men and women) promote sexist beliefs that normalize violence. This includes ‘the way you dress provokes rape, ‘jealousy is part of love or ‘if you really love, you forgive violence” (MENAFN 2017). ACTÚA, detén la violencia is actively fighting to dispel these ideas and teach Bolivian youth that violence is not love.

https://www.facebook.com/ActuaDetenLaViolencia/videos/739136796267445/

This Facebook video posted by ACTÚA, detén la violencia, shows a social experiment. A couple is having a loud argument in public and the man is being abusive and violent.  About 300 people walked by and saw the abuse, how many people do you think intervened to help the girl?

Summary Factoids

What percentage of Bolivian women reported any physical or sexual partner violence ever?

Answer: 53.3 %

In what year did President Morales pass the “Comprehensive Law to Guarantee Women a Life Free of Violence”?

Answer: 2013

 

 

References:

ACTÚA, detén la violencia. (2017, February). Retrieved February, 2017, from https://www.facebook.com/ActuaDetenLaViolencia/

Andean Information Network (2013, March 21). New Law Mandates Harsh Penalties and Broad Services to Address Violence Against Woman in Bolivia. Retrieved February 23, 2017, from http://ain-bolivia.org/2013/03/new-law-mandates-harsh-penalties-and-broad-services-to-address-violence-against-woman-in-bolivia/

Bott, S., Guedes, A., Goodwin, M., & Mendoza, J. A. (2012). Violence against women in Latin America and the Caribbean: a comparative analysis of population-based data from 12 countries (pp. 1-186) Washington, D.C.: Pan American Health Organization.

Freitag, V. (2013, August 3). Bolivia’s women hope for an end to the violence. Deutsche Welle

Justiniano, R. M. (2015, October). Violence results from patriarchal attitudes. Development and Cooperation. Retrieved from https://www.dandc.eu/en/article/latin-america-bolivia-reports-most-cases-violence-against-women

MENAFN (2017, February 14). LA PAZ, Bolivia: St Valentine’s Day: Celebrating Healthy Relationships Challenging Violence. Retrieved February 23, 2017, from http://menafn.com/1095255331/LA-PAZ-Bolivia-St-Valentines-Day-Celebrating-Healthy-Relationships-Challenging-Violence/

Rivas, M. (2014, September 17). Declaran alerta municipal ante la ola de violencia intrafamiliar . La Razón . Retrieved from http://m.la-razon.com/ciudades/El_Alto-declaran-alerta-municipal-violencia-intrafamiliar_0_2127387269.html

Shahriari, S. (2015, January 8). Bolivia builds women’s independence to curb domestic violence . The Guardian US . Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2015/jan/08/bolivia-women-independence-gender-domestic-violence

Shahriari, S. (2015, April 30). Bolivia struggles with gender-based violence. Al Jazeera America. Retrieved from http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2015/4/30/bolivia-struggles-with-gender-based-violence.html

WHO. (2013). Global and regional estimates of violence against women: prevalence and health effects of intimate partner violence and non-partner sexual violence. Geneva: World Health Organization.