Category Archives: Chile

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By Samantha Flax

Co-Authors: Alannah Giannino, Judy Wooley, Jonathan Idrovo

LGBT in Chile

Though the past few years have seen massive improvement for LGBT human rights in Latin America, there are still many contradictions, and Chile is no exception. While most people thought success would come during the first term of Bachelet’s presidency, activists actually had to wait until Pinera was president to see any results. In 2012, after much debate, an anti-discrimination bill was signed into law. While it did identify sexual orientation and gender identity as protected classes from discrimination, it was widely criticized for being mediocre. It allowed for discrimination in other factors such as religious freedom, and some argued that it was just a combination of already stated rights in the Constitution. While the law did not have all of the factors human rights organizations wanted, many supported it and celebrated its passage.

In May 2011 Pinera introduced a bill that would protect civil unions, meaning both homosexual and heterosexual unmarried couples would have the same rights as married couples. This was his way of conceding some rights to the LGBT community without actually passing a law for marriage equality. This is because there is no way a marriage equality bill could pass. This is exemplified by first that a conservative political party in Chile has tried to pass a constitutional amendment banning same sex marriage, and a court case involving three same sex couples who wanted marriages recognized outside Chile to be recognized. The court ruled against the couples because the civil law code defines marriage as being between a man and a woman.

Despite these challenges, there is progress. Starting in 2013, public health plans would cover gender reassignment surgery dependent on a person’s income. While there was controversy, and the policy is not perfect, it was implemented. It is interesting that in some ways it seems Chile is more willing to concede regarding gender identity than sexual orientation.

 

Summary Factoid Questions:

1.) What did the 2012 anti-discriminatory law do in Chile? Where did it fail?

The 2012 bill classified gender identity and sexual orientation as protected from discrimination. However, it fell short in the sense that discrimination in other aspects was still allowed, and mainly just restated policies which already existed.

2.) What efforts have been made against the LGBT+ community in Chile?

A conservative political group attempted to pass a constitutional amendment that would make gay marriage outright illegal. Additionally, Chile will not recognize gay couples as legally married (even if they are outside of the country).

 

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/pedro-garcia/chilean-paradoxes-lgbt-rights-in-latin-america_b_1819455.html

http://www.americasquarterly.org/gay-rights-Latin-America

http://wagingnonviolence.org/2015/01/chiles-lgbt-movement-wins-historic-victory-approval-civil-unions/

http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/From-Mexico-City-to-Milan-the-World-Celebrates-LGBTI-Pride-20150628-0008.html

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By Jonathan Idrovo

Co-Authors: Alannah Giannino, Judy Wooley, Samantha Flax

Chilean protester calling for a new constitution. Credit: Marianela Jarroud/IPS

When General Augusto Pinochet took power over Salvador Allende on September 11th, 1973, starting a 17 year dictatorship that forever changed the political and social landscape of Chile. A regime that was synonymous with cruelty, the Pinochet era ushered in vast reforms that still hold today. These reforms have not only shaped the lives of many Chileans today, but have become the target of much controversy.

The Pinochet Agenda

Augusto Pinochet was in power from 1973-1990. According to an article by Marianela Jarroud, he introduced free-market policies, privatized and decentralized essential services, such as healthcare and education, that had been provided free of cost by the state. He also pioneered the use of pension funds and allowed them to be controlled by private companies. This kind of agenda is very much geared towards the idea of allowing the people themselves to choose where they’d like to go to school instead of it being a program that is offered by the federal government. Although this idea seemed positive to Pinochet, it created a large amount of opposition from Chileans. When these educational reforms were adopted in 1981, 78% of primary and secondary school students were in the public school system. This percentage of the Chilean population were never exposed to the concept of having to pay for their education, and the push to bring privatized education was very unpopular.

According to an interview, 57-year-old Pilar Mella says “The worst thing was the municipalization of primary and middle schools…he municipalities with the most money dedicate more funds to education, giving rise to high levels of inequality.” What Mella is saying is that creating a private market for education causes a large gap to be created between the rich and the poor. Theoretically, the schools that are the most successful will be filled with students whose parents pay top dollar for their children to be there, while the students at the bottom are struggling to get through their education program in a failing school.

 

Universal College: A Thing of the Past

During Allende’s term as President of Chile, college students were treated to free-tuition schooling after completing 12 years of primary and secondary schooling with no need for pre remedial college courses upon entry. This was a luxury and an idea that allowed every Chilean student to attend college without any worry after graduating from secondary schools. But once Pinochet stole power from Allende and overthrew him, free tuition was on the chopping block. Now, not only did students have no free tuition, but they now had to take college admissions exams. This proved troublesome for students that were from poor backgrounds, as they struggled to pass these exams due to the lower quality of the schools they attended. Andrés Fielbaum, the president of University of Chile Student Federation told IPS, “What the dictatorship did was transform education into just another merchandise.” Pinochet’s free-market policies transformed the education system into an auction that provided the highest bidder with the highest chance of receiving a quality education with a good chance of getting into college while the poor have little to no chance.

   

https://www.theatlantic.com/photo/2011/08/student-protests-in-chile/100125/

New Face, Same Government

Although the regime of Pinochet has ended, it’s clear that in 1990, there was little hope for a change to his policies over education. The center-left Coalition of Parties for Democracy, which governed the country between 1990-2010 didn’t do anything to lessen the effects of the Pinochet agenda. The party ended up strengthening his policies by introducing invented shared financing, which works like the student loans programs that are being used in the United States. This concept ended up bringing private banks into the affairs of education, creating an even greater rift between the rich and the poor students of Chile. There has been a massive amount of backlash from students in Chile, asking and protesting for a more affordable education program or a return to tuition free college.

Many of these riots have been met with police force, which has widened the tensions between students and the government. Here are a few examples of these situations:

                        

               

It is clear that there is a very serious struggle between students and the police force in Chile. The possibility of any kind of education reform is very slim due to some of the legislation placed into law under Pinochet.

Pinochet’s ghost holds down the future of Chile

In 1980, Pinochet rigged the election process and passed a new constitution for Chile, which included legislation to approve lifetime senatorial seats and the binomial system. This system created a two seat system for each district in Chile, which is identical to the two senator seat system we have in the United States. This system, however, ensures that the two strongest political forces maintain political power over each sector. In this case, Chile is under the control of the two largest parties: the Coalition of Parties for Democracy and the right-wing Coalition for Change. These parties have a strong alliance with each other, which ensures little to no change for the Chilean people. The only way to remove this system is to have a supermajority in Congress, something that hasn’t happened since 1990. The younger generation of students have had enough of this though, as Fielbaum also states, “We aren’t afraid of politics or of dissent, because we know that it is the way we will build a different country…And that is where our conviction for definitively eradicating Pinochet’s legacy is born.” Most of these students were born into a world where this situation was already occurring. Many of them seek to end their own burdens while others don’t want to grow up in the world that their parents did. Either way, the student generation of Chile is looking to find a way to end the grasp that Pinochet still has on their education.

   

 

Questions:

What were some of the main concepts of Augusto Pinochet’s agenda that directly affected the education program in Chile?

Privatization and commodification of education, which had previously been tuition-free for students. 

Why was privatization of public schooling seen as a negative for the majority of the Chilean population?

Many could not afford to pay tuition themselves– Additionally, the public schools, due a drastic cut in funding, did not equip students with the knowledge needed to pass entry exams for university. 

What political groups are in power?

The Coalition of Parties for Democracy (left-wing) and Coalition for Change (right-wing)

 

Pinochet’s Policies Still Rankle in Chile

https://www.theatlantic.com/photo/2011/08/student-protests-in-chile/100125/

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Author: Judy Wooley

Co-authors: Samantha Flax, Alannah Giannino, Jonathan Idrovo

After three decades of land disputes with the Chilean government, the Mapuche may have finally been heard regarding the return of their ancestral lands, which were taken from them during the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. After exhausting all other means of being heard, they resorted to violent protests and were portrayed as “terrorists” by members of the government.

Rodrigo Abd / AP

Sandra Millacheo, 18, center, and her sister Elsa Millacheo, 22, are released by a judge after being arrested during confrontations with police and held for one day in Collipulli, Chile, on Feb. 13, 2013. The women were arrested along with 17 others after clashing with police outside a court where Fernando Millacheo, a member of the Mapuche indigenous community, was to appear for a hearing on robbery, arson and attempted murder charges.

Most of the land disputes of the Mapuche trace back to the late nineteenth century and the Occupation of Araucanía, when Chilean territory expanded after defeating Bolivia and Peru in a civil war. Mapuche people were forced off of their land and placed into smaller settlements, while colonialists’ descendants took the land and used it for agriculture. Nearly a century later, Salvador Allende began to make reparations efforts, by legitimizing the culture, granting landholding rights, and creating The Institute for Indigenous Development. Unfortunately, upon the coup in 1973, all efforts were reversed under Pinochet. Indigenous activists and leaders were ordered to be executed, landholding policies were liberalized by detransitioning from collective to individual landownership. Pinochet operated under the assumption that forcing the indigenous population to assimilate would bring them out of the poverty they had been dragged into so many years earlier. In the years after, when the Concertación came to power, emboldened activist groups hoped to get land back and gain more autonomy. The leadership gave them false hope.

Mapuche activists try to get through riot police in a demonstration in Santiago, Chile Aug. 27, 2015 after truckers from the south arrived in the city. Photo: Reuters

The actions taken by activists range in general protests and hunger strikes, as well as arson (burning farmland belonging to white Chileans who resettled on the Mapuche’s land, as well as religious buildings and Catholic Churches which they associate with colonialism), intercepting lumber trucks, and in extreme cases, murder. In the last decade, many of the Mapuche’s actions have centered on reclaiming stolen land, and casualties are viewed as an unintended byproduct, comparable to the many deaths their ancestors suffered during the Chilean territory’s expansion in the nineteenth century. Writes Nick Miroff: “Some Mapuche activists insist their campaign’s goal is to reclaim land from big timber companies and commercial farms — not the humble small farmers who also came to populate the region over the years. But Victor Queipul, the lonko, or community leader, of Temucuicui, outside Ercilla, said the distinction did not matter”. Forced to learn spanish and not allowed to wear his hair in the Mapuche way, Queipul is part of the activists that want white citizens to leave their ancestral land and don’t identify as Chilean.

“We are not terrorists” “Justice and Liberty for the Mapuche political prisoners” , in a response to the application of the controversial anti-terrorism law to the conflict. Photo via Mapuexpress

Numbering 1.5 million, the indigenous make up one tenth of the Chilean population who live in the fertile Bio Bio and Araucania southern regions of the country. The land is currently owned by non-indigenous farmers, who are unwilling to sell disputed lands. The next steps remain to be seen as president Michelle Bachelet prepares to announce a new plan for dealing with the situation. She is basing her decision on a forty-five page report with proposals ranging from giving the Mapuche more congressional seats (as of now, they only have two), to having a reparations commission. While Bachelet claims there is more understanding than confrontation, there are still many disputes. For example, the lumber industry, located in the fertile southern regions, is flourishing on the indigenous land. Undoubtedly, the wild fires that recently ravaged this area will exacerbate the conflict. The indigenous people, who are living in poverty, do not want to resort to violent acts, but they felt they had no choice. They say they do not want to hurt anyone, but despite this there have been 227 acts of violence in 2016. Some indigenous people want all of the land to be returned to them so they can create an independent nation called Wallmapu. What will happen remains to be seen but it is clear that the conflict will continue to escalate without a satisfactory solution. This is yet another demonstration of negative factors from the Pinochet regime lasting into the Chilean government today.

 

Summary Factoid Questions:

What are the Mapuche people protesting?

The Mapuche people are protesting latent effects of colonialism on their indigenous lands, which were exacerbated under Pinochet.

Who attempted to begin reparations to the Mapuche people?

Allende began an attempt at reparations prior to the coup.

Sources:

Miroff, Nick. (2014, June 8) Land-reclamation campaign by indigenous Mapuches scorches southern Chile. The Washington Post. (https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/land-reclamation-campaign-by-indigenous-mapuches-scorches-southern-chile/2014/06/08/264f17dc-ccdb-4ec0-a815-a80360b6f02a_story.html)

Muñoz, Luis Campos. Chile’s Mapuche: Not Yet “Pacified”. NACLA. (https://nacla.org/article/chiles-mapuche-not-yet-pacified)

Radwin, Max. (2017, March 5). Chile aims to end decades of violent land disputes with the Mapuche people. USA Today. (http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/world/2017/03/05/chile-aims-end-decades-violent-land-disputes-mapuche-people/97696674/)

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Author: Samantha Flax

Co-authors: Alannah Giannino, Judy Wooley, Jonathan Idrovo

Fires in Chile as seen by Suomi NPP on January 20, 2017. Credit: NASA/NOAA/DoD

 

In January of 2017 Chile was struck with a series of devastating wild fires. These fires killed eleven people, destroyed almost two thousand homes, and thousands of acres of land. While the fire chiefs insist that there were many factors that caused these fires, environmental activists point to one main cause. They argue that the problem, like most in Chile, stems from policies enacted during the Pinochet regime that have never been addressed. In 1974, a government decree subsidized seventy percent of plantation costs. This helped to establish the importance of the forestry industry in Chile. Over the following decades, even after the return to democracy, the industry received eight hundred million dollars of tax payer money. This money mainly goes to the two largest forestry companies. As a result of the importance of plantations to the economy, there are very few regulations surrounding plantations– only that a prevention and management plan in case of fire be in place. When zoning plantations, firebreaks, which would prevent the spread of the flames into residential areas, are not required. Executives like Kimber defend these companies by saying they helped Chile recover from the socialist dictatorship. According to Sara Lorrain, a former presidential candidate, there are no evaluations of risk factors, and important precautions, such as fire breaks, are not used. These plantations, with trees that are predisposed to burning due to their thin limbs, reach to the edge of towns, making it easy for fires to spread.

The remains of homes in Santa Olga, a small hamlet in the Maule region. Pablo Vera Lisperguer/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

 

This is not the first time that fires have damaged Chilean land. Destructive fires also ravaged the country in 2014. Furthermore, despite the industry that likely caused the fires being so lucrative to the economy, the people in the communities that host these plantations are some of the poorest in the country. This is demonstrated in both Maule and La Araucania, two towns with high unemployment and poverty rates. Residents in the area, who have minimal access to potable water, resorted to fighting the fire with free branches and water bottles.

Hualañé, in central Chile, on Saturday. Cristobal Hernandez/Reuters

 

As many activists point out, more regulations need to be enacted because these fires will increase as climate change causes a hotter and dryer Chile.

 

Facts:

What are some of the reasons that the wildfires may have spread so fast?

Relaxed policies around timber farms, such as not requiring a fire break, as well as the plantations’ proximity to towns. Additionally, the trees themselves are dry and have expansive branches, which facilitates a fast spread of fire. 

What two towns are demonstrative of the wealth disparity within Chile?

Maule and La Araucania are demonstrative of the wealth disparity in Chile.

 

Sources:

Kozak, Piotr. (2017, March 3). Did Pinochet-era deregulation cause Chile’s worst-ever wildfires? The Guardian. (https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/mar/03/chile-wildfires-forestry-industry-plantations)

Bonnefoy, Pascale and Chan, Sewell. (2017, Jan 25). ‘The Greatest Forest Disaster in Our History’: Wildfires Tear Through Chile. New York Times. (https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/25/world/americas/chile-wildfires.html)

 

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Author: Alannah Giannino

Co-Authors: Jonathan Idrovo, Judy Wooley, Samantha Flax

 

In the northeastern region of Chile, right next to the Argentinean border, there exists a large expanse of salt. Salar de Atacama contains large deposits of lithium, known as ‘white gold’. The flats in Chile are one part of a so-called ‘Lithium Triangle’ which also contains Bolivia and Argentina. Though the large amount present was discovered in the early sixties, it wasn’t until a decade later that Pinochet claimed rights to the land and formed a free trade relationship with Foote Mineral, a western mining company, after its usefulness in nuclear technology was discovered. Then, he placed his son-in-law Julio Ponce Lerue in control of the supervising of privatization operations– a position of power he held until 2015, when he was forced to step down from Sociedad Química y Minera de Chile (SMQ) following allegations of illegal share trading. For decades, thousands of tons of lithium were mined and exported from the lands, ancestral to the indigenous Atacamas, without any compensation. Only recently did the local communities begin to receive any sort of recompense for the mining. The salt flats are also considered part of Pachamama– adding insult to the environmental injury already occurring, as evidenced by the shrinking expanse of the flats on the Chilean side of the border.

Lithium today

As the world becomes more reliant on technology, the demand and asking price for this light metal has increased heavily. Lithium powers the batteries in electronic devices like cellphones, laptops, and electronic cars. Additionally, lithium is being hailed as a ‘cleaner’ alternative to petroleum as electric cars gain popularity (Sanderson 2016). Though Chile has long been a main source of Lithium, due to the trade deals which arose during Pinochet’s regime, as well as a ‘perfect climate’ which reduces extraction costs by allowing the endless sunshine in the flats to do most of the work, nearby salt flats in Argentina and Bolivia are being tapped for contracts as well. As demand for the resource increases, foreign mining companies require more and more land. Though the exact path to each company is hard to trace, most foreign outfits are sourcing lithium for tech brands like Apple, Toyota, and Samsung. Tesla especially is in the market for large swaths of the mineral, considering that the design of their electric cars requires about three pounds of it per car (Frankel, Whoriskey 2016).

Ivan Alvarado / Reuters

A worker protects his face from the sun as he inspects machinery at the Rockwood Lithium plant on the Atacama salt flat, the largest lithium deposit currently in production, in the Atacama desert of northern Chile, on Jan. 8, 2013.

 

A Canadian-Chilean company on the Apple supply chain, Minera Exar, recently made a deal with six indigenous Chilean and Argentinian communities wherein they will receive an annual stipend no more than 60,000 dollars for access to land and water– though the company is expected to make hundreds of millions of dollars in profit. The Washington post quotes a leader of one community saying, “We know the lithium companies are taking millions of dollars from our lands “[…] “The companies are conscious of this. And we know they ought to give something back. But they’re not” (2016). Additionally, the communities in the Atacama salt flats already suffer from a shortage of water– which lithium mining requires large amounts of in order to extract from the salt brine.

An aerial view shows the brine pools and roads of the Soquimich (SQM) lithium mine on the Atacama salt flat, the largest lithium deposit currently in production, in the Atacama desert of northern Chile, January 10, 2013. REUTERS/Ivan Alvarado

 

Though companies say that the local communities haven’t resisted the mining efforts, there are protest banners hanging at the local airport, as well as within communities– One saying, “We don’t eat batteries, They take the water, life is gone”. One argument for the expansion of mining is that it will bring jobs to communities and companies will pay the towns for their land. Because of the remote location of the evaporation pools, employees must be provided with housing, a hospital, and sunscreen, among other amenities. Though the mining companies boast about the aid they provide– building new schools, paying for dental work, and providing microloans to the communities– indigenous leaders express concern about the long-term impacts of the mines– exhausting an already limited water supply, possibly polluting the land, and leaving the area in detriment once the mines are exhausted in twenty or forty years.

Summary/Factoids

What countries are part of the so-called ‘Lithium Triangle’?
Chile, Argentina, and Bolivia

Why are locals concerned about the presence of the mines?

Not only does the extraction process siphon away gargantuan amounts of water from already depleted sources– The foreign companies are also gaining millions of dollars in profit without sufficient compensation to the indigenous groups.

 

 

Works Cited:

Frankel, Todd and Whoriskey, Peter. 2016. “Tossed Aside in the ‘White Gold’ Rush”. The Washington Post. (https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/business/batteries/tossed-aside-in-the-lithium-rush/)

Sanderson, Henry. 2016. “Lithium: Chile’s Buried Treasure” Financial Times. (https://www.ft.com/content/cde8f984-43c7-11e6-b22f-79eb4891c97d)