Charlotte Adase
Peter Camilleri
ENG 170-28 Writing and Rhetoric
5 December 2023
It’s Not a Trend: Non-binary Identity Spans History and Culture
The continued conversation of queer identity in recent times has coined new terms to express and define identities or experiences of those within the community which sparked debate over the validity of these identities and experiences as well as an attitude that when the terms were made up so were the definitions they held. While there is nothing beyond social influence that links one’s gender identity to their biological sex (which in itself is not black or white as some are born intersex) as a society we have intertwined them to be set expectations of a “girl” or a “boy.” That is what makes up the binary, two options of gender, either male or female. Nonbinary (or non-binary or non binary) is when an individual identifies as a gender that is outside of the binary, it is an identity itself while also being an umbrella term for more specific identities. While it may be confusing trying to understand the sometimes-complex way different terms and definitions are interconnected, it does not mean that the concepts being described aren’t real. Nonbinary identities are not new or temporary but rather have occurred around the world throughout history as a valid part of society.
When colonial Europeans came to the Americas and began documenting the cultures of the native communities they encountered gender variance, however, in viewing it through their own ideals of gender and sexuality equated the social roles to prostitution, homosexual behavior, and marks of inferiority (McNabb 8, 35). Despite their documentation being inaccurate and offensive, it remains documentation of gender variance. Within these literatures are over 150 tribes from the United States and Canada not accounting for the tribes not surveyed or who withheld that information (McNabb 40). Individual tribes have different names for their unique, third gender identities, for example: the Osage have mixu’ga(“moon instructed”), the Lakota have winkte (“would-be woman”) and lila witkowin (“crazy woman”), and the Quinault have keknatsa’nxwix (“part woman”) and tawkxwa’nsix (“man-acting”) (McNabb 41). McNabb shares some insight and examples of the general roles of these people saying, “Gender diversity in the First Nations and Native American tribes can involve crossing from one gender role to another, mixing masculine and feminine components, or moving back and forth between gender roles over time. Individuals occupying these alternate gender roles can partner with or marry members of either sex, just as binary gender has no impact on sexual orientation. In many, but not all, tribes, these individuals were historically respected as healers and medicine persons, and were embodied in oral narratives as culture heroes, tricksters, and other supernatural beings,” (McNabb 41). As for the impact of the offensive European labeling, a group of indigenous people at a gay and lesbian gathering in 1990 found a solution in the form of “[coining] the term ‘Two-Spirit’ as an intertribal umbrella term for indigenous gender and sexual identities outside the European binaries,” (McNabb 40).
In their book, McNabb dedicates a section to providing introductions to a selection of nonbinary identities within cultures from different parts of the world. While deeper exploration of the individual examples could be had, seeing the basis of each lined up together provides a picture of the global nature of this experience. In one native community of Mexico, “some biological males identify as muxe. Muxe have both feminine and masculine characteristics and are not perceived as men or women. They have a unique aesthetic and social role and are spoken of highly by female relatives and friends,” (McNabb 43). In one of Mexico’s other native communities, they have biza’ah: “Biza’ah are biologically male and fill a third gender role, with both masculine and feminine components. Like the muxe, they have a distinct aesthetic and are differentiated from homosexuals,” (McNabb 43). McNabb shares about the gender variation in Polynesia, like how “In Tahiti and Hawaii, an alternate gender identity called māhū is available for both sexes, though it is more common for biological males. Māhū are considered to be good caregivers and are often adoptive parents to child relatives, filling an important familial and cultural role…. Aesthetically, most māhū blend traditional masculine and feminine dress, either in the same outfit or changing from one to the other when transitioning from work to home,” (McNabb 45), while “In Samoa, biological males may identify as fa’afafine; literally ‘like a woman.’ Similar to the māhū, fa’afafine have an important familial role, acting as caregivers to young relatives, aging parents, and younger fa’afafine. In terms of sartorial choices, fa’afafine may dress in masculine clothing, feminine clothing, or a mixture of the two,” (McNabb 45). Since the eighth century BCE, India’s nonbinary gender has been a documented part their culture. Called hijra, it “can be translated as ‘eunuch’ or ‘intersex,’ indicating a focus on ambiguous or transformed genitals. Hijras are assigned male at birth (or, rarely, intersex), and dress and behave as women do. However, despite using female names, kinship terms, and pronouns, hijras do not identify as women. They are culturally recognized as neither man nor woman but a third gender,” (McNabb 46). In addition, India also has “The sādhin [which] is a voluntary role that a biological female enters into around puberty. She wears men’s clothing, cuts her hair in the traditional masculine style, and renounces sexuality. While she retains her feminine name and pronouns, a sādhin is perceived to be free of gender entirely. She may work in traditionally male or female occupations and can participate in traditional male or female ritual behaviors,” (McNabb 46). The first example in Southeast Asia, Indonesia’s “third gender is called waria. This term combines wanita (‘woman’) and pria (‘man’). Waria are differentiated from banci (‘effeminate men’) and gay (‘gay’) men. They dress in women’s clothing, wear makeup, and have typical feminine behavior. Yet they do not identify as women: they use the men’s toilet, wipe off makeup when they pray, and are said to be even stronger than men,” (McNabb 47). As a second example, “In the Philippines, the third gender is referred to as bayot, bantut, or bakla, depending on the specific region. Gender diversity has a long history in this region; third gender deities and ancestral figures are prevalent in traditional narratives, and mediate between humans and the divine,” (McNabb 47-48). Finally, “Thailand’s third gender is called kathoey. In Thai oral tradition, there were three original genders: males/men, females/women, and intersex/kathoey. Kathoey could be medically intersex or biologically male or female, and they occupied a gender role separate from either men or women,” (McNabb 48).
By looking at ancient societies such as China, Greece, and Rome through the lens of nonbinary identity there are examples found of gender nonconformity and breaking of the binary. Across these three cultures the common act in solidifying one’s place in the role of a eunuch was, as the term suggests, castration. Rich explains that in China a significant part of their destination was not being “fully” men however there were two types of eunuchs, those who castrated themselves and those with “intersex or with ambiguous genitalia” who were called “natural eunuchs.” Rich goes on to express the importance of Ancient Chinese eunuchs aging that “Despite their adherence to either male or female social roles, this showcases that there was a spectrum when it came to human reproductive anomalies and thus nonbinary transitions and spaces. Regardless, castration in Ancient China was seen as an accepted transgression of gender roles and supposed sexual norms—castration provided a path to alternative roles in society, rather than expulsion or exclusion,” (Rich). The Greco-Roman eunuchs often had ties to priesthood with an important group being the Galli, the name for the castrated, feminine presenting, worshipers of the cult of Cybele and Attis (Rich). Rich breaks down how the social implication of becoming a Galli point to there being a deeper sense of identity as that deeper connection is necessary to make the switch worth it: “Whilst we may not know the true motivation for castration, what is apparent is that the implication of such gender transgression was ostracization from larger society. Rather than relegate these gender transgressions to the act of exotic religious rituals, however, it is important to see the Galli in context—they had previously adhered to societal expectations of gender yet chose a life of transgression. Some scholars, indeed, have stated that they believe this self-castration to have been related to our modern concept of dysphoria” (Rich). It went beyond castration, “The language surrounding a nonbinary concept of gender was present throughout all three cultures, and such language was often tied to traits rather than the body, like it is in sexological thought,” (Rich). In Ancient China, Greece, and Rome there were terms and grammar rules created making nonbinary language a part of their language to express what is between and outside of the feminine and masculine binary.
Contents of a grave in Finland started a conversation about the possibility of nonbinary identities in medieval Finland. Along with the remains of a person dated to 1050-1300 A.D. were “a bronze-hilted sword, another long blade missing its hilt, a sheathed knife, three brooches, a chain, [and] a sickle” (Anders). What is interesting about this variety of items is that traditional items such as the weapons would be buried with men while items like the jewelry would be buried with women (Anders). Recent researchers suggest that the person was nonbinary in the sense that they were not “strictly male or female” as they concluded that the person was “male-bodied” but buried in “traditionally feminine dress,” (Anders). One interesting component is they said “The body’s chromosomes probably were XXY, indicating that the person was male-bodied and had Klinefelter syndrome, although one of the study’s authors said the DNA was badly preserved. Klinefelter syndrome causes a male to be born with an extra X chromosome, which can lead to low levels of testosterone, infertility, and other outcomes. Gender identity cannot be discerned from one’s chromosomes, but genetic differences can affect a person’s appearance and, in turn, how they are perceived,” (Anders). It is important to note, however, when it comes to perception that along with the collection of items, this individual was buried elaborately in “what may have been costly animal pelts” and laid to rest on “bedding that contained feathers,” which suggests they may have been “prominent or esteemed” (Anders).
As a trans and nonbinary rabbi, Kukla provides a religious based defense of nonbinary identity. Kukla expresses their concern at recent rates of violence against trans and gender nonconforming individuals as well as the slew of anti-trans legislation being pushed for or passed, but then points out “This legislative attack is often framed as a battle between traditional religious values and modern ideas about gender. But we are real people, not ideas, and we have always existed, including within age-old religions,” (Kukla). They share that according to ancient Jewish holy texts (with hundreds of appearances) there not only male and female but four additional genders: “When a child was born in the ancient Jewish world it could be designated as a boy, a girl, a ‘tumtum’ (who is neither clearly male nor female), or an ‘androgynos’ (who has both male and female characteristics) based on physical features. There are two more gender designations that form later in life. The ‘aylonit’ is considered female at birth, but develops in an atypical direction. The ‘saris’ is designated male at birth, but later becomes a eunuch,” (Kukla). The sacred Jewish texts not only mention and define these nonbinary genders but explain their roles in society, responsibilities to communities, parts in important events, and permissions in the economy just like are described for males and females (Kukla). To take it a step further, Kukla breaks down an argument for nonbinary identity in the creation story: “In fact, Judaism sees us as so ancient that according to one fifth-century interpretation of the Bible, the very first human being, Adam, was actually an androgynos. This explains why Genesis says, ‘And God created humankind in the divine image, creating it in the image of God,’ referring to Adam, the first person, with a singular pronoun. But then, the very same verse says: ‘creating them male and female.’ (1:27). ‘Them’ in this ancient interpretation, also refers to Adam: a single person who is both male and female. In other words, in this reading of the creation story, the first human being is described with a singular ‘they’ pronoun to express the multiplicity of their gender,” (Kukla).
The term nonbinary and other language surrounding it may be new, but when considering the accounts from varying time periods spanning across the globe that depict expressions outside of the binary ideal it is clear that the core identity being expressed is anything but new. From the beginnings of different civilizations roles have been established that exist outside of what would be perceived to fit the binary. Cultures that have formed from the native people of an area adapted and built in a place for those among them to express authentically in the same way the places that came to be assigned to male and female were created. For most of the cultures discussed it wasn’t until external forces brought in the concept of the gender binary that these nonbinary identities fell to the background and ridged binary got embedded in the way of life. Those in ancient times turned to religion and community to have their identity be a divine or beneficial addition to their society. Our current society and culture are still denying and attacking the existence, experience, and rights of trans and nonbinary individuals when all of these times and places suggest that it is a natural path of human beings and a constant presence in our history.
Works Cited
Anders, Caroline. “Mysterious 1,000-year-old remains may be of a nonbinary person, researchers say.” Washington Post, 11 Aug. 2021, p. NA. Gale Academic OneFile, link.gale.com/apps/doc/A671491416/AONE?u=newpaltz&sid=bookmark-AONE&xid=d321af3c. Accessed 20 Nov. 2023.
Kukla, Elliot. “‘Everyone Is a Created Being of Their Own’.” New York Times, 19 Mar. 2023, p. 12(L). Gale Academic OneFile, link.gale.com/apps/doc/A741885974/AONE?u=newpaltz&sid=bookmark-AONE&xid=053b76ee. Accessed 20 Nov. 2023.
McNabb, Charlie. Nonbinary Gender Identities : History, Culture, Resources / Charlie McNabb. Rowman & Littlefield, 2018.
Rich, Lou. “Gender Transgressions: Nonbinary Spaces in Greco-Roman Antiquity and Ancient China.” WSQ: Women’s Studies Quarterly, vol. 51 no. 3, 2023, p. 113-129. Project MUSE, https://doi.org/10.1353/wsq.2023.a910071.